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The consortium consists of 6 partners from 4 countries (Greece, Italy, Portugal, Norway ) – 2 Universities (Panteion University, Greece, OSLOMET – STORBYUNIVERSITETET, Norway ), 1 public entity branch of the Greek Ministry of Education (Western Attica Administrative Office) and 3 NGO’s (OXFAM ITALIA ONLUS, Italy, ACTION AID HELLAS ASTIKI MI KERDOSKOPIKI ETAIRIA, Greece, 4CHANGE COOPERATIVA CULTURAL E DE SOLIDARIEDADE SOCIAL CRL, Portugal).
Panteion University is the leading organization and the Laboratory of Experimental and Applied Behavior Analysis, a government chartered unit of the Department of Psychology of the Panteion University of Social and Political Sciences is the coordinator of the project.

According to FRA (2019), despite a number of legal instruments that offer protection against racism and related forms of intolerance, ethnic and religious minorities across the EU continue to face racism, discrimination, verbal and physical violence, and exclusion. Racism fuels social exclusion as it creates division across social groups, promoting intolerance, lack of understanding and hatred. Educators are being confronted with racism in school classes, without possessing the required experience and expertise in order to handle such incidents effectively. In view of the above, the proposed project:
• promotes social inclusion as it addresses the challenge of racism in schools through an integrated way involving the key actors of the school community, namely the educators, students and their parents. In this way, it seeks to address the lack of ownership of shared EU values of acceptance, human dignity and human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and the rule of law. By promoting those values within school communities and thus in local societies, it aims to promote social inclusion while combating discrimination of the Roma and migrants / refugees. In particular, it aims to improve school children’s knowledge and awareness related to our behavior and its function with a focus on racist behavior. Racist violence is a defense against the fear of the unknown. All children have the right to understand the causes of their feeling and actions in order to avoid exhibiting racist behavior or to deal with it when it is exhibited against them. “Victims” and “offenders” have the right to live together without fearing each other. And this can become feasible with the knowledge and understanding of the causes of their behavior because people are not afraid of what they know. In order to promote social inclusion through an integrated way, the project aims to improve parents’ understanding of basic principles of behavior for the increase of collaboration and solidarity so as to decrease racist violence and racist discourse related to differences.


For the Desk research each country maps the published research in international journals and books. There is also a collection of existing curricula, materials and interventions for school inclusion, prevention of aggression and victimization and teacher training.


RACIST SPEECH AND FREEDOM OF THOUGHT, Giorgio Pino, Politics of Right A. XXXIX, 2 , 2008, 287-306.

Within the magazine Policy of Right, Giorgio Pino tries to investigate the theme of freedom of expression and its limits in the social and legal context. In doing so, the author proposes an in-depth analysis of Critical Race Theory. The standard position of the CRT towards racist discourse can be summarized in the following way: racist discourse, in all its manifestations, produces relevant damages; these damages unfold, at the same time, in the individual dimension of the victim of those discourses, and in the overall social dimension. This influences the way in which members of the minority targeted by racist discourse can participate in public discourse, and even more generally influences the power relations between social groups. As a result, members of the movement consider it appropriate, and constitutionally legitimate, to legally suppress racist discourse, for example by resorting to criminal and administrative sanctions, or at least civil sanctions, against the authors of such discourses. In this context, however, Pino, while acknowledging the damage caused by racist discourse, points out that it is difficult to clearly define legal solutions, and therefore states: “Racist discourse poses delicate problems; we certainly find it detestable, perhaps even harmful, and we would like the law to do something about it. However, the possible legal solutions are highly controversial, and are dependent on the (social historical) context of reference; moreover, they inevitably require some kind of limitation of a precious good such as freedom of expression” So if in some cases it is clear how to intervene, in other cases it is not, however, the author maintains that other forms of legal intervention, besides, purely repressive and punitive ones, can still be used.  The answer, in other words, should be sought in the promotional function of the law, for example in education, public awareness campaigns, promotion of a pluralistic culture and acceptance of minorities. If the law could contribute to creating social conditions of inclusion, such as to ensure the recognition of equal social dignity to the various groups (racial, religious, etc.), then the socially harmful value of “widespread” racist discourse would be neutralized, at least in part.

INTERGROUP RELATIONS AND DEHUMANIZATION PHENOMENA, Social Psicology No. 1, January-April 2008, Flavia Albarello and Monica Rubini

Social discrimination is one of the most frequent outcomes of intergroup relations, which is why social scientists have recently turned their attention toward a dramatic form of discrimination characterized by deprivation or denial of other people’s humanity – dehumanisation. This article will therefore attempt to first present the contributions that outline the processes which underlie intergroup relations. Subsequently, with reference to the specific phenomenon of dehumanisation, the processes and contents of this “aggravated” form of discrimination will be illustrated. Finally, the implications of different levels of categorisation will be considered in order to identify the conditions in which dehumanization can occur.

When we speak of dehumanization we are talking about an extreme form of discrimination which consists ofthe total or partial denial of humanity of individuals or entire social groups. It can also be considered an evolution of the legitimized forms of prejudice and racism dealt with by Taguieff (1994) and Bauman (1992) who invoked “the inferiority of biological and genetic roots […]) in order to consider and treat as “non-human” the members of certain human groups”. However, one important thing that we will tend to address below is the deepening of dehumanization by carefully examining intergroup relations, since it is in this field that dehumanization manifests itself in the most dramatic forms and consequences. Thus, in order to deal with this issue, we will first illustrate some of the approaches that have dealt with the “normal”, “ordinary” processes of discrimination, taking into account some socio-psychological factors at the basis of intergroup relations that can act as causes and moderators of dehumanization. We will then consider different processes that transform people into perpetrators and victims of dehumanization, illustrating the contributors that have highlighted the role of this phenomenon in making intergroup discrimination more “serious”. We will then show how dehumanization can be an instrument of qualitative differentiation between social groups in terms of different essences, or “ontologies,” attributed to groups and how the same ones implicitly denote a greater or lesser humanity. Finally, we will pay particular attention to the role of the salience of the supra-ordered social categorization as intergroup relations and phenomena of dehumanization of human beings, as a protective or risk factor with respect to possible outcomes of dehumanization of others.


Report presented to the expert meeting Gender Difference and Racial Discrimination, Zagreb, 21-24 November 2000, organised by the United Nations Division for the Advancement of Women (Daw), the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights and Unifem, the UN Women’s Fund.

In this paper Chiara Ingrao tries to include gender issues in policies and actions against racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and intolerance. In particular she explores how the actions related to gender can change the approach on discrimination. During her speech, she then focused on the following points which she considered essential:

  1. recognising the role of sexism as an essential component of all forms of racism in the analysis of racism.Adopting a “gender point of view” means dealing primarily not so much with the (female) gender of many of its victims as with the (male) gender of many racists, but with the racist culture as such.
  2. identify the multiple faces of discrimination The identification of these different categories of discrimination and the people affected by them is clearly not just a list, but rather an attempt to identify the extreme complexity of contemporary forms of racism, and therefore the need,, to put in place a very complex set of policies in order to defeat it.
  3. empowering women as central actors in the fight against racism. Women are not only victims of discrimination, but above all active protagonists in the fight against racism. As Amartya Sen points out, “No longer passive beneficiaries of aid, women are increasingly considered, both by men and women themselves, as active subjects of change: dynamic promoters of social transformations that can change the lives of both men and women “8.
  4. adopting the right set of policies and targeted actions. Because the point is just that: while racism simplifies reality, flattens it, and attempts to expel, annihilate or dominate all diversity, policies to fight racism should have the exact opposite aim – to value diversity and complexity as essential factors for the vitality, creativity, dynamism of every society.
  5. integrate gender issues into the preparation process and structure of the World Conference against Racism. Women must be present in all national delegations, with particular attention to the presence of women belonging to groups targeted by racism;


During the processes of socialization, each individual actively participates in the construction of his or her own regulatory knowledge, which allows him or her to act as a competent member of the company to which he or she belongs. Part of this “normative baggage” is structured, since early childhood, around representations of what is “right” and what is “wrong”, and around those of punishment, and then gradually refined until the construction of more complex thoughts about transgression and punishment. The aim of the book, which illustrates the results of a research carried out on a sample of adolescents, is to identify the normative elements that constitute the imagination of children of different ages, genders, social classes in relation to deviance and punishment. In this way it is possible to evaluate how much adolescents are placed in continuity, or differ from the normative culture heritage of society and the groups to which they belong, and how much they perceive themselves in continuity or in disagreement with the thinking of the world of adults and friends. The result has been a framework that has made it possible to explore many aspects of the normative culture of the young people interviewed and access to the representations that shape the personal lives of adolescents, for whom there seems to be an awareness that the rules and related sanctions are indispensable tools for social life.

AUTHORITARIAN PARENTAL STYLE, JUSTIFICATION FOR VIOLENCE AND THE BEHAVIOUR OF DATING AGGRESSION Maria Giulia Olivari, Gaia Cuccì, Emanuela Confalonieri, is a part of No. 3, Child abuse and mistreatment: Vol. 19 November 2017.

Dating Aggression (DA) is an increasing phenomenon in Italy. The present study aimed at: a) investigating gender differences with respect to justification of violence within the couple and to dating aggression perpetration, and b) verifying the existence of a link between authoritarian parenting style, an attitude of justification of violence, and DA perpetration. Participants were 436 teenagers, aged 16 to 18, who completed self-reported questionnaires. Results showed higher levels of male violence justification among males and higher level of verbal-emotional and physical violence perpetration among females. Authoritarian parenting style played the role of risk factor in the perpetration of DA. Results could be useful to design effective interventions.


This study examines school wellbeing in a sample of 536 students enrolled in the first class of 7 different Italian high school in order to: 1) describe the level of school wellbeing and school performance; 2) investigate the relationship between school wellbeing and school performance; 3) explore the role of maternal and paternal parenting styles in predicting academic achievement; 4) explore the role of maternal and paternal parenting styles in predicting school well-being. Our results indicate that males report higher levels of school wellbeing and lower levels of school performance than females. Wellbeing results are associated with school performance, both among males and females. Among males a better school performance is associated with authoritative maternal style; among females it is negatively associated with permissive and authoritarian styles. As for school wellbeing, for males it is positively associated with authoritative maternal and paternal style. Among females, authoritative maternal style is associated with higher levels of school wellbeing, while maternal authoritarian style and maternal and paternal permissive style are associated with a lower level of school wellbeing.

ANGER, FROM DEFENSE TO HOSTILITY, Laura Occhini, 2018, Francoangeli

The object of study in the volume is anger and its various forms of expression. The text tries to understand its cognitive and physiological structure, tries to classify it and discover its adaptive and dysfunctional aspects, illustrates the characteristics that distinguish it from aggression and tries to understand if – and how – it is possible to dominate it in order to exploit its potential and when it is the reflection of a psychological distress that falls within the sphere of clinical competence.

Some of us may have thought that public manifestations of anger and levels of aggression have increased significantly in recent years.

Perhaps this is so: the reduction of face-to-face interactions, along with the increase in virtual interactions, has in part mitigated the social control that is imposed on the display of an emotion, such as anger, which is experienced by our culture in a highly dichotomous way. On the one hand, it can be regarded as an emotion defensive of the self and as a signal of protection against a potential attack. On the other hand, it can be seen as a behavioral manifestation comparable to a sin or a capital vice, which declares open hostility. As such, anger represents an obstacle to healthy interpersonal relationships.

But is that really all? Is this apparent inconsistency enough to exhaust the possible functions of anger and its various forms of expression?

In this work, we will ideally try to mute this emotion, to understand its cognitive and physiological structure. We will try, as far as possible, to classify it and to discover its adaptive and dysfunctional aspects. We will illustrate the characteristics that distinguish it from aggressiveness. We will find out if – and how – it is possible to dominate it in order to exploit its potential and when it is the reflection of a psychological discomfort that falls within the sphere of clinical competence. Therefore, the author specifically makes an analysis between anger and aggressiveness, indicating that aggressiveness, in its extreme forms, is at the basis of racial discrimination, bullying, sexual aggression, and homophobia.


The article provide an updates on international standards and recommendations on the prohibition of corporal punishment of minors, with particular regard to the family context. This prohibition is also a result of international campaigns promoted by the United Nations, by other international bodies and by a large  number of states that explicitly prohibit bodily punishment in every environment, including the family. The article sets out the reasons for this prohibition, and hinges on the recognition of the full dignity of the minor and his or her rights.

Italy does not explicitly provide for a prohibition of violent punishment in the family, even though the case law has considered them unlawful since 1996. On the existence of a justification “educational reasons” remains, therefore, a margin of ambiguity, which for legal and pedagogical reasons, is not always clear and it would be removed with a law

First of all, a large part of the research in the psychological, social and educational fields agree that corporal punishment is neither effective in achieving greater discipline nor in promoting socially appropriate behaviour. Indeed, it is a counter-productive practice. Studies have shown a certain correlation between exposure to bodily punishment and the onset of behavioural and psychological problems in youth or adulthood, including attitudes to violence.

It is also practically impossible to discriminate between “just” and “moderate” corporal punishments and forms of mistreatment – despite many parents and educators who argue the opposite.

SPACES OF IDENTITY, STUDIES ON NEW IMMIGRATION, PUBLIC SCHOOLING AND CULTURAL PLURALITY, Emanuele Criscione , Sergio De La Pierre, Giuliano Della Pergola, Giovanni Acquistapace, Duccio Demetrio, Robert Lafont, Stefano Levi Della Torre, Umberto Melotti, Simonetta Tabboni, Francoangeli 1995.

Two principal themes are discussed in the essay that make up this volume: The social conditions that lead to the rejection of the foreigner and the historical causes that favour the rise of racism, and the reflection on the need and the difficulties of reconstructing a “common space” of exchange and encounter between different cultures. S. Tabboni, S. Levi Della Torre, R. Lafont examine the problem of the exclusion of differences respectively in regard to the foreigner, even if not characterized by unusual somatic traits, the Jew reinvented as a threatening enemy at every occurrence of a crisis of collective identities, the historical minorities dispersed in the Europe of nation-states. The analysis of the different inspiring principles of the migration policies of France, Great Britain, Germany and Sweden is the common theme of the essays by U. Melotti and S. De La Pierre. The first one outlines the picture of the dimensions that in recent years have assumed the immigrant flows in Europe, while the second investigates the story of the communities of foreigners in Milan between integration drives and need for self-representation. In D. Demetrio’s theoretical essay and G. Acquistapace’s, the latter reports on the experience of a Milanese school that can be taken as a model, a new frontier for the school is emerging, that of intercultural pedagogy and didactics, in a perspective that calls into question not only the protagonists of education, but that goes beyond technical or didactic-applicative reasoning with the evocative proposition of the metaphor of the agora as a common space in which different cultures identify and enrich themselves by contaminating each other.


Racism and ethnic discrimination are increasingly central issues in the political debate and public opinion in Europe and Italy. In our European societies, explicit xenophobic dynamics are evident, and undermine the model of multi-ethnic coexistence that has been established, not without difficulties and conflicts, from the post-war period to the present day. The very idea of pluralist democracy is subject to continuous tensions caused by the overbearing return in the social and political field of nationalist and populist ideologies that feed rejection speeches towards foreigners. The Italian context offers important food for thought in outlining this passage of time and, specifically, in understanding the processes of discrimination against ethnic differences and migrants. This volume offers an in-depth look at discrimination in our society through the study of the areas of collective life within which it manifests itself (home, work, school, public space, prison, mass media) and the groups most exposed to it (Sinti, Roma, Muslim communities). The themes addressed are intertwined in their specificity of investigation, configuring an articulated framework within which mechanisms of exclusion and inequality that characterize, in theory and practice, the discriminating phenomena unravel.

IMMIGRANT MINORS, SCHOOL INTEGRATION, PROHIBITION OF DISCRIMINATION, In Law, Immigration And Citizenship, Giuditta Brunelli, 2010, Francoangeli

The essay focuses on access to compulsory education and the conditions for the exercise of the fundamental right to education of foreign children. These subjective positions are significantly affected by intervention hypotheses such as the “bridge classes” (or classes of insertion) and recent ministerial measures (the maximum limit of 30% of foreign pupils in the classes provided by the Circular of the Ministry of Education no. 2 of 2010). After having argued the anti-discrimination dimension assumed by the principle of equality in constitutional jurisprudence on the condition of the foreigner, G. Brunelli highlights the problematic profiles of proposals that tend to go beyond the model of full school integration established in Italy in the last twenty years. The political option in favour of the bridge classes, besides appearing culturally backward and technically inadequate, is above all constitutionally discriminatory. In turn, the 30% “ceiling” measure presents insignificant margins of ambiguity (precisely in relation to the possible “masked” creation of integration classes) and gives rise to numerous application difficulties, some of which are likely to constitute real discrimination. Other more effective and more respectful methods of intervention are therefore proposed, also based on the indications indications from the European Union.

INTERCULTURAL EDUCATION AT SCHOOL, Mariangela Giusti, Rizzoli Etas, 2012

Intercultural education is a very innovative educational methodology starting from the last 30 years and that became necessary with the first waves of migration in the 2000s. In that period it was necessary to develop a tool that was able to face the modern reality and to allow several cultures to live peacefully together. In this book, the author proposes a simple and effective path for students, as well as teachers and mediators to better face the great challenge of interculturality.

Our school, in all its orders and grades, is inhabited by students born into Italian families and others from all over the world, who followed their parents or guardians in their travels, migrations, or trips between cities and countries. The educational relationship that develops in the classes is therefore increasingly complex, with strong cognitive, affective, social and relational implications. In this environment it is important to take care of the linguistic-communicative dimension, the conversational context, the aspects related to values, behaviours and lifestyles. Intercultural education is the instrument to face the complexity of modern reality and to allow several cultures – with their linguistic and religious differences- to live together and relate to each other: a form of thought that inspires the daily didactic action so that education becomes a right for everyone, as provided for by the Italian Constitution. In this book, now in its fourth edition, Mariangela Giusti proposes a simple and effective path, as well as essential, for the training of university students, new teachers and mediators engaged in the great challenge of intercultural society.

 The IDOS Study and Research Centre deals with the study of immigration through the analysis of socio-statistical data. In particular, it publishes the “Dossier Statistico Immigrazione” and the “Osservatorio Romano sulle Migrazioni”.

In addition to research activities, IDOS is committed to raising awareness on the issues of reception and integration of foreign citizens both by organizing conferences and by intervening, through researchers, in events prepared by third parties or in training courses. Every year their reports contain data and actions against racial discrimination in Italy.

UNAR is the State’s office responsible for guaranteeing the right to equal treatment.

The Office for the Promotion of Equal Treatment and the Removal of Discrimination based on Racial or Ethnic Origin, abbreviated to UNAR – National Anti-Racist Discrimination Office, is the office appointed by the Italian State to guarantee the right to equal treatment of all persons, regardless of their ethnic or racial origin, age, religious belief, sexual orientation, gender identity or the fact of being persons with disabilities.

The Office was established in 2003 (d.lgs. n. 215/2003) following a Community Directive (n. 2000/43/EC), which requires each Member State to activate a body specifically dedicated to combating forms of discrimination.

In particular, UNAR is responsible for monitoring causes and phenomena related to all types of discrimination, studying possible solutions, promoting a culture of respect for human rights and equal opportunities and providing concrete assistance to victims.

Among UNAR’s institutional tasks there is also that of informing Parliament and Government through two annual reports on the effective application of the principle of equal treatment and the effectiveness of protection mechanisms, as well as on the progress and obstacles of anti-discrimination action in Italy.

The reports to Parliament, alongside providing an opportunity to take stock of what has been achieved, bring to the attention of political bodies and public opinion not only the progress made, but also the problems encountered in the fight against discrimination.

The reports to the President of the Council of Ministers are at the same time both an assessment of the activities carried out and a starting point for the new programming of initiatives to redefine, in a circular process, the strategic objectives aimed at removing the structural causes of discrimination.


Teachers often have to deal in class with the stigma a pupil may suffer from other classmates. Stigma is a label that is “attached” to a child for various reasons, sometimes even in the presence of disabilities.

Professor Carpiniello, professor of psychiatry at the University of Cagliari, tells us what stigma is, in what context a child or a boy can be stigmatized and what are the tools with which a teacher can deal with the problem.

AN OPEN SCHOOL AGAINST DISCRIMINATION, F. Lorenzoni, Settembre 2018, Internazionale

In this article the author, who is also a teacher, recalls the importance of the school as a place of socialization, of meeting, of sharing, in particular he highlights the important role that teachers have in the fight against racism and in building a better world.



School-based programs for violence prevention in Norway.

In Norway, schools follow a single national curriculum, divided into three academic levels; elementary school (ages 6–13), lower secondary school (ages 13-16) and upper secondary level (ages 16-19). Each school is required to have some programs aimed at social-emotional competence and learning environment, but they are free to choose which one from several offers. Consequently, there are several broader whole-school models as well as teacher and student aimed stand-alone programs used in schools.

The more broader whole-school models employed in Norway are Olweus (Olweus, 1997), Zero (Midthassel & Ertesvåg, 2008; Roland et al., 2010), PALS (Sørlie & Ogden, 2007, 2015), and Respect (Ertesvåg & Vaaland, 2007). Common to these whole-school models is that they are based upon analyses of risk (e.g., poor teaching, low reinforcement of effort and success, lack of school rules and lack of adequate measures of student’s competence) and protective (e.g., clear rules, helping teachers, social competent students and teachers) environmental factors associated with occurrences of student’s antisocial behaviors (Mayer, 2001).

The whole-school models aim at promoting protective and reducing risk factors through universal efforts at whole school and classroom level, rather than focusing on individuals at risk. For example, the Schoolwide Positive Behavioral Interventions and Supports (PBIS) model (termed PALS in Norway) suggests a multi-tiered system of support (MTSS) to promote protective and reduce risk factors at schools (Scott et al., 2008). The MTSS is composed by three tiers; (a) universal (tier 1), referring to environmental conditions reaching all students and staff, (b) targeted (tier 2), aiming to reach students who are responsive to the tier a trough focus groups and c) intensive (tier 3), providing individualized feedback to behaviors observed in specific situations (

In the same fashion as the whole-school models, some stand-alone teacher aimed programs aim to improve teacher skills in order to promote safe and sound classrooms, thus the classrooms’ risk and protective factors is the unit of change instead of the whole school. Classroom risk factors (i.e., teacher behavior) include ineffective teaching strategies (e.g., not responding to student failure, unclear messages, punishment, unclear rules and structure (Mayer, 1995, 2001). Classroom protective factors (i.e., teacher behavior) include a positive school climate (read frequent use of reinforcement, infrequent use of punishment), teacher expectations of responsibility and helpfulness, and effective teaching strategies (e.g., help students to be successful and reinforcing good effort) (Mayer, 1995, 2001).

In general, student aimed stand-alone programs aim at promoting protective and reducing risk factors at the individual level. Individual protective factors include social competence and skills, self-regulation and problem-solving skills, and individual risk factors, excluding physical disease or cognitive impairment, include early onset of aggressive behavior, difficult temperament, poor self-regulation, poor social competence and impulsivity (Mayer, 1995). The aim is often to improve students’ social and emotional learning (SEL) (e.g., Durlak et al., 2011; Frey et al., 2005; Harlacher & Merrell, 2010; Humphrey et al., 2016; Sancassiani et al., 2015) and thereby reduce antisocial and aggressive behavior.

In Norway some stand-alone programs are used in schools, some also in combination with a broader model, e.g., PALS on both universal and targeted intervention levels. Stand-alone program used in elementary schools at both intervention levels will be described.

There is also a community-wide program comprising school-based modules, the Early intervention for children at risk for developing behavioral problems (EICR) (Kjøbli & Sørlie, 2008). The school-based modules are the targeted (tier 2) School and Preschool Consultation, and the intensive (tier 3) Social Skills Training. The two EICR school-based modules will be described in a separate section after group based the stand-alone program section.

Broad Whole-School Models

Olweus. The Olweus model (Olweus, 1997; Olweus et al., 2020) is a school level initiative aimed towards bullying prevention, and entails school, group and individual level interventions. At the school level interventions include a students’ survey with questions about bullying (including cyber-bullying), an event marking the beginning of the anti-bullying intervention, improved monitoring/inspection from teachers during recess, anchoring the program within the ordinary school development committees/teams, and group-based supervision of teachers. At the group level interventions include school rules against bullying with praise and sanctions for following/not following the rules, scheduled class-meetings discussing anti-bullying, and parent meetings. At the individual level the intervention includes structured interviews with both bullied and bullies with further follow-up of both–this includes further contact with affected parents. A recent long-term study using the Olweus bullying questionnaire indicates that there is a 40% higher odds of being bullied in a school not using the program compared to a school using it, or a Cohne’s d of .67 (Olweus et al., 2020).

Zero. The Zero model (Midthassel & Ertesvåg, 2008; Roland et al., 2010; Roland & Midthassel, 2012) is also aimed towards bullying prevention and may be seen as a variation of the Olweus program. In addition, there is a program which teachers can use in class, containing eight themes which students can discuss. There is also an emphasis upon the adult/teacher using an authoritative style. An effect study (Roland et al., 2010) found an between groups difference of g = .20 for “bullying others”, and a g = .12 for “being bullied”, both in favor of the Zero-schools

PALS. PALS is a whole-school model aiming to prevent behavior problems and promote a positive environment (Sørlie & Ogden, 2007, 2015). The universal part of the model entails four main parts; system, intervention, data, and results. The systems part includes the schools internal (school employees, school leaders and students’ parents) and external (school-owner, political and administrative level, school psychologist, etc.) in a joint effort to implement PALS. The intervention part includes concrete efforts and core components (i.e., define behavioral expectations, reward student behavior that are in accordance with behavioral expectations, have a joint strategy to meet and handle problem behavior—included registration of behavior problem episodes, and active leadership). The data part includes using collected data for progress monitoring and planning and implementing necessary changes if data so indicates. The results part uses results from the three first parts in order to make sure that the interventions are sustained and that the goals are achieved, e.g., improved social skills, reduced problem behavior, improved academic skills .

The targeted version of the model may include stand-alone programs for groups of children for a shorter or longer period. If behavior problems is the issue, programs in social competence or emotion regulation may be offered, e.g., TIBIR (Early intervention for children at risk) based upon the SNAP-intervention (Augimeri et al., 2007). Concerning academic difficulties interventions will be based upon the Response to Intervention framework (e.g., Gersten et al., 2009; VanDerHeyden & Burns, 2010).

The intensive version of the model may entail individual intervention that are function based, e.g., based upon functional analyses or assessments (e.g., Scott et al., 2011).

A study of the impact in Norwegian schools (Sørlie & Ogden, 2015) indicates a three-year effect, Cohens d, of between .17 and .25 for problem behaviors, and no effect for classroom climate an inclusion compared to non-PALS schools.

Respect. This is termed a “school development program” where the aim is to prevent ad reduce behavioral problems, mainly bullying, disciplinary problems, concentration problems, but also truancy, racism, violence and anti-social gangs. It was developed through the European Connect initiative “Tackling Violence in Schools”. There is no manuals, but four central principles: (1) authoritative adults (classroom leadership with academic and emotional support), (2) a broad approach (involve all relevant actors, reduce all types of problem behaviors), (3) consistency (predictable adults with integrity), and (4) continuity (consistent work over years). An evaluation of the model (Ertesvåg & Vaaland, 2007) showed mixed effects over different grade levels (5-10) for different behavior problems such as disobedience (short and long term mean d = .22 and .37), off-task behavior (short and long term mean d = .22 and .46), bullies (short and long term mean d = .01 and .25), and victims (short and long term mean d = .01 and .22).

Classroom based stand-alone programs that are teacher aimed

Stand-alone teacher aimed programs used in Norwegian schools include ALFA and the Incredible Years-Teacher Management Training (IY-TCM) (in Norwegian: DUÅ skole- og barnehageprogram; Webster-Stratton et al., 2008). There are no peer-reviewed articles describing the effect of the ALFA program, and consequently it will not be further described.

The Norwegian version of the IY-TCM is evaluated in Norwegian schools (Kirkhaug et al., 2016; Aasheim et al., 2018; Aasheim et al., 2019). The aim is to promote prosocial behavior and prevent antisocial behavior in students. To achieve this teachers are trained 42 hours (6 days throughout a schoolyear) in topics including (1) building good relations through proactive teachers, (2) attention, praise, encouragement and supervision, (3) reward and motivational systems, (4) reduction of negative behavior by means ignoring and redirecting, (5) reduction of negative behavior by means of natural and contrived contingencies, and (6)  emotion regulation, social skills and problem solving. By 2019 around 500 teachers have been trained. Evaluation studies (Aasheim et al., 2018; Aasheim et al., 2019) show modest effect sizes (d), ranging from .08 – .09 for problem behaviors and well-being to .11 – .20 for social skills like cooperation and self-control. The student teacher relationships showed effect sizes (d) in the range of .15 – .22, while parent teacher relationships were d = .19 and parent involvement in school was d =.40.

Classroom based stand-alone programs that are student aimed

The Zippy’s friends (Holen et al., 2012) aimes to prevent emotional problems and promote good health thru teaching children (grade levels one to four) to master everyday problems, identify and talk about feelings and supporting others who struggle. The resilience factors stress management and social competence are the main foci. Teachers are trained to deliver the program to their class, and they receive two days (16 hours) training together with the school psychologist service. Teachers also receive manuals and activity suggestion in addition to a booklet explaining the theoretically underpinnings.

Norwegian evaluations of Zippy’s friends includes two studies from the same experiment (Holen et al., 2012, 2013).  In the first study intervention effects were measures by the rating scales Kidcope and SDQ.  Kidcope ratings showed effect sizes for children and parents in the range of d = .01 to .38. SDQ ratings showed effect sizes for parents and teachers in the range of d = .04 to .18. In the second study classroom climate was reports with effect sizes in favor of the experiment group for reduced bullying (d = .55), improved social climate (d = .61), and academic skills (d = .42).

Group based stand-alone program that is student aimed

Three articles are published on the group program Aggression Replacement Training (AART) (Gundersen & Svartdal, 2005, 2006; Moynahan & Strømgren, 2005). The AART program aims to prevent aggression and violence and promote prosocial behavior, including social skills and mature moral reasoning. These aims are pursued thru three integrated courses; Skillstreaming, Anger Control Training and Moral Reasoning, each lasting 10 weeks/sessions for each the courses. The content of the Anger Control Training course is fixed for each of the 10 weeks, finally forming a personalized anger control behavioral chain for each participant. The contents of the Skillstreaming and Moral Reasoning courses may be based upon the perceived needs of the participants in question. The group format is typically two adult facilitators and 8-10 trainees. The training format is based upon presentation of today’s content, trainers modeling the skill in question, discussion among group members, each group member role-playing today’s and receiving feedback, and planning for generalization of the skill (homework).

Norwegian evaluations of AART include post-graduate students delivering at their school (Gundersen & Svartdal, 2006) and practitioners delivering AART to students with a different diagnosis (e.g., ADHD, Asperger’s syndrome) (Moynahan & Strømgren, 2005). Gundersen and Svartdal (2006) write that following AART there was an improvement in parent ratings of social skills (d = .64) in favor of the intervention group, while teachers ratings showed no change between groups. For problem behaviors the was a non-significant difference (d = .50) and a significant difference (d = .66) in favor of the intervention for the parent ratings, but teacher ratings showed no difference in either rating. Moynahan and Strømgren (2005) report no effect for adolescent participants. For children they report that there was a difference in teachers rating of social skills (d = 1.42) for the AART-group, also parents ratings showed a difference (d = .84). Considering problem behaviors, teacher ratings showed no change, but parents ratings showed an improvement for the AART group (d = 1.92).

EICR school-based modules

The two EICR school-based modules are the targeted (tier 2) School and Preschool Consultation, and the intensive (tier 3) Social Skills Training. The study performed in Norway (Kjøbli & Sørlie, 2008) recruited families and children at high risk for developing severe and pervasive problem behaviors. During the study 14 children received one of the school based EICR modules. i.e., 11 received School and Preschool Consultation and four received Social Skills Training. 11 children received a non-scool EICR module in addition, i.e., nine received a combination of Parent Consultation, School and Preschool Consultation and Social Skills Training, two received a combination of PMT-O[1], School and Preschool Consultation and Social Skills Training. School and kindergarten staff were offered training in the two school modules. Results are not reported for the individual modules, teachers reported overall problem behavior incidents in the classroom. Although Kjøbli and Sørlie (2008) reported no significant overall time effect change from pre to post, they reported an intervention effect in favor of the intervention group (d = .36), as well as for the subscales “learning-inhibiting incidents” (d = 34), “aggressive incidents” (d = .31), and “student relations in class” (d = .30).  Teachers reported no difference in student-staff relations following the EICR interventions.


In general, there are many good initiatives in school settings aimed toward promoting social skills and preventing antisocial behavior, including bullying and aggression. If consulting an electronic journal at the University of Tromsø,, one can readily see that there are a few more school-based programs currently being described. The current state is, however, that most of those are not evaluated yet, there are no peer-reviewed articles/reports, they are in the process of evaluation, and it is unclear when, and if, such articles/reports will be available. For the models and programs that are evaluated, effect sizes tend to be small and/or moderate when using the thumb-of-rule cut-offs. However, those rules may be to general for the universal and targeted intervention levels, e-g., an effect size of d = .20 may a large effect on the universal/population level, it means that 8 % more people has a positive effect. Finally, only one model, Respect, mentions racism prevention specifically as one of the aims.


Augimeri, L. K., Farrington, D. P., Koegl, C. J., & Day, D. M. (2007). The SNAP™ under 12 outreach project: Effects of a community based program for children with conduct problems. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 16, 799–807.

Durlak, J. A., Weissberg, R. P., Dymnicki, A. B., Taylor, R. D., & Schellinger, K. B. (2011). The impact of enhancing students’ social and emotional learning: A meta-analysis of school-based universal interventions. Child Development, 82, 405–432.

Ertesvåg, S. K., & Vaaland, G. S. (2007). Prevention and reduction of behavioural problems in school: An evaluation of the Respect program. Educational Psychology, 27, 713–736. Retrieved 2007/12/01, from

Frey, K. S., Nolen, S. B., Van Schoiack Edstrom, L., & Hirschstein, M. K. (2005, 3//). Effects of a school-based social–emotional competence program: Linking children’s goals, attributions, and behavior. Journal of Applied Developmental Psychology, 26(2), 171-200.

Gersten, R., Beckmann, S., Clarke, B., Foegen, A., Marsh, L., Star, J. R., & Witzel, B. (2009). Assisting Students Struggling with Mathematics: Response to Intervention (RtI) for Elementary and Middle Schools (NCEE 2009-4060).

Gundersen, K., & Svartdal, F. (2005). Evaluation of a Norwegian postgraduate training programme for the implementation of Aggression Replacement Training. Psychology, Crime & Law, 11(4), 435-444.

Gundersen, K., & Svartdal, F. (2006). Aggression Replacement Training in Norway: Outcome evaluation of 11 Norwegian student projects. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 50(1), 63–81.

Harlacher, J. E., & Merrell, K. W. (2010). Social and emotional learning as a universal level of student support: Evaluating the follow-up effect of strong kids on social and emotional outcomes. Journal of Applied School Psychology, 26, 212–229.

Holen, S., Waaktaar, T., Lervåg, A., & Ystgaard, M. (2012). The effectiveness of a universal school-based programme on coping and mental health: a randomised, controlled study of Zippy’s Friends. Educational Psychology, 32, 657–677.

Holen, S., Waaktaar, T., Lervåg, A., & Ystgaard, M. (2013). Implementing a universal stress management program for young school children: Are there classroom climate or academic effects? Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 57(4), 420–444.

Humphrey, N., Barlow, A., Wigelsworth, M., Lendrum, A., Pert, K., Joyce, C., Stephens, E., Wo, L., Squires, G., Woods, K., Calam, R., & Turner, A. (2016). A cluster randomized controlled trial of the Promoting Alternative Thinking Strategies (PATHS) curriculum. Journal of School Psychology, 58, 73–89. Retrieved 10//, from

Kirkhaug, B., Drugli, M. B., Handegård, B. H., Lydersen, S., Åsheim, M., & Fossum, S. (2016, 2016/10/26). Does the Incredible Years Teacher Classroom Management Training programme have positive effects for young children exhibiting severe externalizing problems in school?: a quasi-experimental pre-post study. BMC Psychiatry, 16(1), 362.

Kjøbli, J., & Sørlie, M.-A. (2008). School outcomes of a community-wide intervention model aimed at preventing problem behavior. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 49(4), 365–375.

Mayer, G. R. (1995). Preventing antisocial behavior in the schools. Journal of Applied Behavior Analysis, 28, 467–478.

Mayer, G. R. (2001). Anisocial behavior: It’s causes and prevention within our schools. Education & Treatment of Children, 24(4), 419-429.

Midthassel, U., & Ertesvåg, S. (2008, 2008/06/01). Schools implementing Zero: The process of implementing an anti-bullying program in six Norwegian compulsory schools. Journal of Educational Change, 9(2), 153-172.

Moynahan, L., & Strømgren, B. (2005). Preliminary results of aggression replacement training for norwegian youth with aggressive behaviour and with a different diagnosis. Psychology, Crime & Law, 11, 411–419.

Olweus, D. (1997). Bully/victim problems in school: Knowledge base and an effective intervention program. The Irish Journal of Psychology, 18(2), 170-190.

Olweus, D., Solberg, M. E., & Breivik, K. (2020). Long-term school-level effects of the Olweus Bullying Prevention Program (OBPP). Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 61(1), 108–116.

Roland, E., Bru, E., Midthassel, U., & Vaaland, G. (2010, 2010/03/01). The Zero programme against bullying: effects of the programme in the context of the Norwegian manifesto against bullying. Social Psychology of Education, 13(1), 41-55.

Roland, E., & Midthassel, U. V. (2012). The Zero program. New Directions for Youth Development, 2012(133), 29–39.

Sancassiani, F., Pintus, E., Holte, A., Paulus, P., Moro, M. F., Cossu, G., Angermeyer, M. C., Carta, M. G., & Lindert, J. (2015). Enhancing the emotional and social skills of the youth to promote their wellbeing and positive development: A systematic review of universal school-based randomized controlled trials. Clinical Practice & Epidemiology in Mental Health, 11, 21–40.

Scott, T. M., Anderson, C., Mancil, R., & Alter, P. J. (2011). Function-Based Supports for Individual Students in School Settings. In W. Sailor, G. Dunlap, G. Sugai, & R. Horner (Eds.), Handbook of Positive Behavior Support. Springer.

Scott, T. M., Gagnon, J. C., & Nelson, C. M. (2008). School-Wide Systems of Positive Behavior Support: A Framework for Reducing School Crime and Vioence. The Journal of Behavior Analysis of Offender and Victim Treatment and Prevention, 1, 259-272.

Sørlie, M.-A., & Ogden, T. (2007). Immediate impacts of PALS: A school‐wide multi‐level programme targeting behaviour problems in elementary school. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 51, 471–492.

Sørlie, M.-A., & Ogden, T. (2015). School-wide positive behavior support–Norway: Impacts on problem behavior and classroom climate. International Journal of School & Educational Psychology, 3, 202–217.

VanDerHeyden, A. M., & Burns, M. K. (2010). Essentials of Response to Intervention. John Wiley & Sons Inc.

Webster-Stratton, C., Jamila Reid, M., & Stoolmiller, M. (2008). Preventing conduct problems and improving school readiness: evaluation of the Incredible Years Teacher and Child Training Programs in high-risk schools. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 49(5), 471–488.

Aasheim, M., Drugli, M.-B., Reedtz, C., Handegård, B. H., & Martinussen, M. (2018). Change in teacher–student relationships and parent involvement after implementation of the Incredible Years Teacher Classroom Management programme in a regular Norwegian school setting. British Educational Research Journal, 44, 1064–1083.

Aasheim, M., Reedtz, C., Handegård, B. H., Martinussen, M., & Mørch, W.-T. (2019, 2019/09/19). Evaluation of the Incredible Years Teacher Classroom Management Program in a Regular Norwegian School Setting. Scandinavian Journal of Educational Research, 63, 899–912.

[1] PMT-O is an abbreviation for Parent Management Training – Oregon (see Forgatch MS, Patterson GR (2010). Parent management training — Oregon model: An intervention for antisocial behavior in children and adolescents. Evidence-based psychotherapies for children and adolescents (2nd ed.), 159–78. New York: Guilford Press).


Portugal – 4change

Literature Review

Article 1 – The development of intergroup bias in childhood: How social norms can shape children’s racial behaviours (Monteiro, França & Rodrigues, 2008)

– Examines the developmental course of racial behaviour in childhood.

– Hypothesis: white children’s expressions of racial prejudice do not necessarily decline in middle childhood due to the development of particular cognitive skills but that instead, children older than seven will go on expressing prejudiced attitudes under appropriate conditions.

– 6-7 (1st grade) and 9-10 (4th grade) years old students.

– 60-70% Whites and 30-40% Blacks

Study 1:

  • Hypothesized that 6- to 7-year-old children would display in-group bias regardless of the presence or absence of the experimenter, whereas 9- to 10-year-old children would display the same in-group bias only when the experimenter was absent – the interviewer’s presence was believed to make the anti-racist norm salient and while her absence to create a favourable context for children’s intergroup-biased behaviour to be expressed;
  • Children had to distribute an odd number of coins between two kids (photos) of the same-sex (one White and the other Black) – the experimenter could or not leave them during the task – and they were asked to justify their choice.


  • Younger children were not sensitive to the presence of the White interviewer as a cue for activating the anti-racist norm;
  • Older children seemed to self-regulate their behaviour according to that cue, by only displaying a biased behaviour against the black child when the experimenter was absent.
  • Childern’s age is important, not because intergroup bias decline with age, but because with age expression of bias can be better self-monitored according to different levels of normative pressure present in the context;
  • Children used different justifications for their and others’ in-group and out-group favouring behaviour: blatant racism and perceived similarity with the in-group target were the prevalent basis for justifying in-group favouring bahaviour, while the merit motive seemed to underlie out-group favouritism.

Study 2:

  • Hyphothesized that younger children’s intergroup bias would not be changed by the activation of the racist or anti-racist norms whereas older children would comply with the norm orientation provided by both manipulations.
  • Same instructions as study 1, but before the children start the task the experimenter introduced the norm manipulations (norm of similarity: nationality-based similarity and humanity-based similarity; norm of merit: ethnic asymmetry).


  • Whereas younger children exhibited a biased behaviour regardless of the activation of the anti-norm or racist norm, older children complied with the anti-racist, but not with the racist norm;
  • Children’s biased behaviour was only biased in the similarity-humanity condition;
  • Older children’s behaviour was in line with the intergroup similarity norm, both in the anti-racist and the racist norm, whereas younger children consistently displayed a biased behaviour, regardless of the racist or anti-racist nature of the activated norm.
  • Different norms can have different effects on the regulation of older children’s behaviour, particularly when norms that facilitate the expression of intergroup bias are used.

Main Results:

  • Both the experimenter’s presence and the activation of an interracial similarity norm did not affect younger children’s intergroup bias but suppressed older children’s biased behaviour;
  • Older children also displayed bias when the amount of normative pressure was significantly reduced, either by removing the interviewer or by activating a discrimination norm.
  • The mere presence of an in-group adult (Study 1) can be as powerful as a direct verbal activation of a norm (Study 2) to either legitimate or prohibit older children’s expression of intergroup bias.
  • In-group favouring behaviour was primarily explained by perceptions of similarity between self and the in-group target child and, interestingly, that the use of this explanation didn’t decrease with age, as it would be expected by the cognitive developmental theory
  • Result suggests that intergroup bias may be closer to intergroup prejudice and supports the idea that the focus of children’s racial attitudes (in-group vs out- group) is probably more status and context related than development dependent.
  • Merit motive has been found to be a pervasive source of subtle in-group favouritism. Its use by White children suggests that they are aware of its positive social meaning. More important preferring this external motive to the more internal similarity motive suggests that subtle prejudice can also be at work in this situation.

Article 2 – Contact hypothesis and the expression of prejudice against ethnic minorities in young adults from portuguese schools (Matos, 2011 – Master thesis) //

A hipótese do contacto e a expressão de preconceito contra minorias étnicas em jovens adultos de escolas portuguesas (Matos, 2011 – Dissertação de Mestrado)

– It analyses the effect of interethnic contact in childhood and adolescence on the expression of blatant and subtle prejudice against ethnic minorities in young adults.

– 12th grade students


  • Questionnaires about: childhood memories (contact perception with children from different origins); thoughts about other as a child (adherence to stereotype in childhood); educational issue in the Portuguese context (adherence to adult stereotypes); and popular and scientific sayings (beliefs about intelligence and learning).


  • Subtle prejudice expression levels are significantly higher than blatant prejudice expression levels;
  • Prejudice against ethnic minorities is expressed in a subtle way and not in a blatant way, which corroborates the idea that among younger individuals’ prejudice is expressed in a mere subtle way due to the pressure of anti-prejudice social norms that condemn discrimination minorities;
  • Male participants show greater expression of blatant and subtle prejudice than female participants;
  • The results indicate that the participants whose mothers have an average level of education (i.e., 12th grade) present a greater expression of blatant prejudice than those whose mothers have a low or higher level of education (i.e., up to 9th grade and higher education).
  • Positive but weak relationship between the degree of contact with minorities in the classroom, during childhood and adolescence, and the expression of blatant prejudice;
  • Positive relationship between adherence to stereotypes and prejudice: blatant prejudice appears strongly associated with adherence to stereotypes against minorities;
  • There was no moderating effect of stereotypes between contact and prejudice;
  • Positive association between contact and prejudice;
  • While negative stereotypes about minorities predicted an increase in prejudice, family contact with minorities in the past was able to predict a lesser expression of prejudice in adults.

Article 3 – Expressions of racism during childhood: The effect of the ethnic composition at school (Pereira & Monteiro, 2006) //

Expressão de racismo na infância: O efeito da composição étnica da escola (Pereira & Monteiro, 2006)

– Analyses how the ethnic composition at schools influence the expression of ethnic prejudice against Black students by children of the dominant majority group (White Portuguese), as well as the possible interaction of this factor (ethnic composition) with the children’s age (cognitive development).

– 5-7- and 8-10-years old children.

– 4 schools with different levels of contact: reduced Black minority (<10%), Black minority (10-39%), equitable composition (40-60%), and Black majority (>60%).


  • Task of coins distribution, attribution of positive stereotypical traits, and attribution of negative stereotypical traits – to White and Black targets.


  • Behaviour was different according to age, but only at black minority and black majority schools, where younger children have a higher rate of discrimination than older children;
  • In the black majority school, none of the groups of children discriminated against the black target; in the black minority, younger children showed discrimination towards the black target;
  • The other two schools did not show discrimination towards the target;
  • In the black majority school, although older children did not show intergroup bias, they expressed more ingroup favoritism than younger children;
  • The ethnic composition of schools significantly influences the manifestation of prejudice in children of the majority against black minority targets.

Article 4 – Racism and education: The happy endings start at the playground (Macedo, 2020) //

Racismo e educação: Os finais felizes para sempre começam no recreio (Macedo, 2020)

  • Schools as privileged contexts for discussing prejudices, social stereotypes and expressions of racism.
  • Example of a 5th grade Citizenship teacher who assigned the task of reflecting about a video (“História sobre uma coisa tão pequena que nos pode salvar” do Programa “Conta um Conto” da RTP de 2019 // “Story about something so small that can save us” from the 2019 RTP’s television program “Tell a Tale”), about how in the stories they tell us they have a happy ending, not always have a happy ending (e.g., the ugly duckling that suffers discrimination).
  • Reflection on videos, images, or films can be important tools.
  • It is necessary an educational process that seeks “not only to prepare the student for the world, but to create the appropriate conditions so that he is exposed to a part of the world and learn to reflect critically on the media content that he faces daily.”
  • The need for a performative space, and for children to be involved in discussions and disputes about the “common places of racism”.

Article 5 – (Anti)racism, science and education: theories, politics and practices (Cabecinhas, Macedo, 2019) //

(Anti)racismo, ciência e educação: teorias, políticas e práticas (Cabecinhas, Macedo, 2019) 

  • Cinema can contribute to contest formed representations of identity – as a very present and popular means of cultural communication, it can explore and develop visual literacy.
  • Foreign films as a vehicle for intercultural literacy – through the language, culture and context of a film it is possible to obtain another view of other cultures.
  • Films as a tool to “deepen students’ knowledge about difference, improve their analytical skills, deepen their understanding and broaden their views of other discourses and cultural practices, as well as discourses and practices that surround you daily” – these reflections can result in the exploration of one’s own identity and the construction of the necessary skills for intercultural interactions that sustain citizenship.
  • Attempt by the European Commission to develop training initiatives in cinema at different school levels and with different pedagogical goals.
  • Teachers recognize the promotion of free sessions outside of school – through the National Cinema Plan in dedicated spaces designed for this purpose – as helpful initiatives.
  • Introduction of sessions on intercultural relations, with the discussion of, for example, films that address racism, prejudice and social stereotypes – introduction of more films that address these themes on the National Cinema Plan.
  • Viewing and discussion of films, film production and performing activities as possible instruments for anti-racist education.

Article 6 – Migrations, cultural memory and identity representations: a filmic literacy in the production of intercultural dialogue (Macedo, 2017 – PhD Thesis) //

Migrações, memória cultural e representações identitárias: a literacia fílmica na produção do diálogo intercultural (Macedo, 2017 – Tese de Doutoramento)

  • High school students had to discuss the film Li Ké Terra (a Portuguese documentary).
  • Thy recognized the role of cinema in the process of learning and knowledge about the world around them.
  • The most important is the way in which the film is explored and not exactly its choice – that is, it’s critical discussion, the reflection of different perceptions about the reality explored, the joint analysis of feelings, attitudes, aesthetics and historical aspects.
  • Testimonies of the characters as drivers for reflecting on their own representations regarding the reality portrayed, observing it from another perspective.
  • Students consider that the viewing of films influences their representations about the world and about others, being able to build a means of learning and enriching knowledge. However, some young people continue to mobilize a set of social stereotypes, which has a negative impact on the relationships they establish with other groups.

Article 7 – Subjective social status and intergoup attitudes among ethnic majority and minority children in Portugal (Feddes, Monteiro & Justo, 2014)

  • A measure of subjective social status (SSS) was examined among high (White), and low (Black and Roma) ethnic status children in Portugal
  • 6-8- and 9-12-years old students


  • the subjective social status was assessed through two ladders – three pictures of, respectively, a White, Black, and Roma group – Children were asked to assign their in-group and the two out-groups to one of the ladder rungs according to ‘the importance of the group in Portugal’;
  • social preferences, through a measure that use 4 intergroup contact situations to ask participant children to indicate their social preferences – indicate how much they would like to engage in the following four contact situations with a child of each target group;
  • trait attribution – through positive items (e.g., nice) and six negative items (e.g., mean) the children were asked how many children, from the group target, (none to all) would they describe as each trait.


  • Already from the age of 6 years onwards, children are aware of group differences in their relative positions on the social hierarchy;
  • Children are aware of relative importance of different groups and this is reflected in their intergroup attitudes;
  • A very powerful normative consensus exists on the hierarchy of ethnic groups and that children engage in intergroup comparisons;
  • Depending on ethnicity and age, children’s SSS changes are, in certain cases, associated with changes in social preferences, positive, and negative trait attributions;
  • Minority children seem to reorganize their groups’ relative position serving strategies to cope with their low-status condition;
  • Differences in out-group preferences as well as in positive and negative trait attributions towards out-groups across age were mediated by SSS perceptions (this was found for all age changes that were observed in White and Black children);
  • SSS scores of both Black and White out-groups were the same among younger and older Roma children;
  • children as young as 6 years old make use of social comparison strategies to create a favourable image of their in-group within the social hierarchy, either upgrading or downgrading the out-groups;
  • Already in middle childhood, ethnic minority groups do not always comply with majority’s dominant position in the social hierarchy – they can rather develop creative alternatives to achieve positive distinctiveness and positive in-group identification;
  • From about 8 years onwards, high-status children show in-group favouritism only on measures on which it may be normatively acceptable – this was confirmed in regard to White children’s evaluations of the Black out-group;
  • White children were more positive and less negative towards the Black out-group than towards the Roma out-group;
  • Results point out to the importance of intergroup relationships between ethnic minority groups when a dominant group is salient: Black children generally showed clear in-group favouritism on the SSS measure as well as on the trait attribution and preference measures over the other low-status Roma out-group.
  • No in-group favouritism was found regarding the high-status White out-group – low-status children positively distinguish themselves from each other;
  • In late childhood, ethnic minority children may display a stronger group identification and in-group preference than in middle childhood, as a reaction to perceived discrimination.

Main Results:

  • White children favoured their in-group over the Black and Roma out-groups on the SSS measure, social preferences and positive as well as negative trait attributions.
  • The Black and Roma showed equal SSS, preferences and trait attribution for their in-group and the high-status White out-group, but not the other low-status out-group.
  • With age White children generally demonstrated higher SSS for Black and Roma, preferred them more and attributed more positive traits.
  • For low-status groups, an age effect was found only for Black children who preferred the Roma more with age and attributed more positive traits.
  • Minority group’s SSS does not parallel the objective status hierarchy but, rather, is a dynamic reorganization of group’s relative positions serving strategies to cope with their minority condition.

Artigo 8 – Social change in projects of social intervention through art: the case of the project Bando À Parte (Gomes, 2015 – Master thesis) 

A mudança social em projetos de intervenção social pela arte: o caso do projeto Bando À Parte (Gomes, 2015 – Dissertação de mestrado)

 – Theater Project for students (“Teatrão”), intended to develop their work by having an important social role in fostering social change.

– The projects points art and culture as a form of citizenship and social integration, bringing art to the community and involving socially excluded groups.

– Theater makes it possible to broaden horizons and show the world in a different way – you have to learn to deal with, listen to, respect, be supportive, cooperate and work with other people, in order to be able to form a group of cohesive work; and where the opinion, effort and work of each young person is important for the final result.

– Artistic activities (such as theater, music, dance, viewing of shows) as a connection tool between different social and cultural groups.

– Heterogeneous groups (with young people of different ethnicities) where each person has their own way of seeing things, expressing themselves and dealing with others.

– Exchange experiences as a point of contact with people from different backgrounds, which led to respect for cultural differences and helped improve communication.

– These types of activities lead to the development of collaborative attitudes and the ability to know how to be and how to relate with other people.

– Respect for cultural and ethnic differences as well as the development of a collaborative attitude with other people were changes achieved.

Article 9 – More than comparing with majorities: The importance of alternative comparisons between children from different minority groups (Alexandre, Monteiro & Waldzus, 2007)

  • Examines how children of minorities use alternative comparisons to achieve positive distinctiveness of their minority group.
  • Black, White and Gypsy Portuguese children
  • 9-13 years old children


  • 3×3 (participants ethnicity: Black-portuguese vs White-portuguese vs Gypsy-portuguese X target’s ethnicity: Black-portuguese vs White-portuguese vs Gypsy-portuguese)
  • Participants were asked for their group preferences and attributions towards their own and other groups.
  • The ethnic belonging was assess by asking the children, in the beginning of the interview what ethnic group they identify with;
  • The social preferences were assess by making questions that operationalized 5 different contact situations (e.g., living in the same neighborhood, playing at the same playground, etc.);
  • The causal attributions were assessed by presenting a situation in which a child from a specific ethnic group won a contest and the participant was asked to if they thought the child had won because of his/her intelligence, effort, luck, or because of the type of the task – intelligence (internal, stable), effort (internal, unstable), luck (external, unstable) and kind of task (external, stable).


  • The results regarding intergroup social preferences showed that Black and Gypsy minority children only displayed less preference for each other than for the in-group and the White majority target children, while White majority children displayed a clear in-group preference;
  • The social preference intergroup pattern suggests that when children from a minority group have the possibility of making intergroup comparisons other than with the majority group, they can achieve positive distinctiveness both through in-group bias regarding the other minority children and through evaluative similarity between in-group and majority children;
  • Both minority groups showed this same pattern of intergroup preferences, ending up in a preference structure that challenges the majority ́s established social hierarchy for these groups;
  • White children’s preferences replicate the pervasive pattern of dominant group members’ attitudes towards minorities;
  • Minorities’ children displayed more internal than external attributions to both the in-group and the White target’s success, but not to the success of the other minority;
  • White children replicate the majority’s dominating ethnocentric view of an ethnic hierarchy that places themselves at the top, and minorities at the bottom.
  • Members of all three groups showed in-group favoritism.
  • Majority children showed in-group favoritism on both preference and attribution measures, but members of both minorities showed greater preference for majority members as well as for members of the in-group than for members of the other minority group.



How Pro Difference can be integrated in the formal education curriculum.

Education in Greece is centralized and governed by the Ministry of Education and Religious Affairs at all levels. The Ministry exercises control over public schools, formulates and implements legislation, administers the budget, coordinates national level university entrance examinations, sets up the national curriculum, appoints public school teaching staff, and coordinates other services.

Primary education is compulsory and tuition free. The Pro-Difference project is addressed to students of Primary School aged 9-12 (4rth to 6th Grade). There is a specific curriculum and common textbook that teachers follow countrywide.

However, teachers can implement extra-curriculum activities by taking over “School Activities Project” (Προγράμματα Σχολικών Δραστηριοτήτων). “School Activities Projects” are implemented during school hours and can last from 3 months (minimum) to 10 months maximum. At the beginning of the year (usually in November) the teachers can submit their proposal to their Regional Unit of Public Education Officer and at the end of the year a report about the activities implemented. The project Pro Difference project is implemented with the collaboration of the Region Unit of West Attica. The Pro-Difference curriculum can be implemented in schools as a “Project” in the last three years of primary schools.

Moreover, during the school year 2020-21 the Ministry of Education and the Institute of Educational Policy (the scientific agency which provide support to the Ministry of Education for curriculum, policy, and pedagogical issues) have launched in a pilot base the program “Platform 21+: Competencies Workshops”. From the school year 2021-22 the workshops will be fully integrated organically to all the schools of the country. The educational material that will be produced through the Pro-Difference project is deeply aligned with the one of the 4 pillars which is “Human Rights and Inclusion”. The produced material will be proposed to be one of the training materials on the platforms’ repository and be accessible to all the educators all over Greece.



Spanking in the home and children’s subsequent aggression toward kindergarten peers


Development and Psychopathology, 6 (1994), 445-461 Copyright © 1994 Cambridge University Press Printed in the United States of America


ZVI STRASSBER&^KENNETH A. DODGE,” GREGORY S. PETTIT,* AND JOHN E. BATES “aVanderbilt University; bAuburn University; and cIndiana University”



Although spanking of children is almost universal in U.S. society, its effects are not well understood. We examined the longitudinal relation between parental spanking and other physical punishment of preschool children and children’s aggressive behavior toward peers later in kindergarten. A total of 273 boys and girls from diverse backgrounds served as subjects. The findings were consistent with a socialization model in which higher levels of severity in parental punishment practices are associated with higher levels of children’s subsequent aggression toward peers. Findings indicated that children who had been spanked evidenced levels of aggression that were higher than those who had not been spanked, and children who had been the objects of violent discipline became the most aggressive of all groups. Patterns were qualified by the sexes of the parent and child and subtypes of child aggression (reactive, bullying, and instrumental). The findings suggest that in spite of parents’ goals, spanking fails to promote prosocial development and, instead, is associated with higher rates of aggression toward peers.







Reflexive fighting in response to pain-shock has been obtained for mice (Tedeschi, 1959), hamsters (Ulrich and Azrin, 1962), cats (Ulrich, personal communication), and several strains of rats (Ulrich and Azrin, 1962). This experiment explored the possible existence of the reflex in primates. Eight squirrel monkeys were subjects. An experimental space 36 by 24 by 18 in. high provided ample room for the monkeys to move about without contacting each other. The floor of the chamber was constructed of parallel grids through which shocks could be delivered. A large one-way window allowed unrestricted observation. One pair of monkeys was placed in the chamber and observed for approximately 5 min. In the absence of shock, the two monkeys explored the cage, briefly sat in the corner and moved past each other showing no signs of fighting. Brief (.15 sec) shocks of 3 ma intensity were then delivered every 30 sec. Upon the first shock delivery, the monkeys jumped and squealed but made no movements at each other. At the second shock, the monkeys suddenly lunged and bit at each other for a few seconds. No further fighting resulted until the next shock. Immediately upon the delivery of the next shock, the monkeys again attacked each other. The fighting continued long after the termination of the brief shock and did not cease until the experimenters forcibly separated the animals. A second pair of monkeys showed similar results. In the absence of shock, the monkeys could be described best as “huddled up” to each other. No fighting occurred during the first 10 shock deliveries. When the 11th shock was delivered, vigorous fighting resulted and persisted until the experimenters could separate the subjects. A third pair of monkeys did not fight at any of the current intensities used. However, fighting was obtained from each of these two monkeys when they were paired with one of the other monkeys. Observation of a fourth pair revealed that the fighting was not precipitated by accidental contacts arising from the shock delivery. A grid partition was installed to physically separate the two animals thereby eliminating the possibility of accidental contact since the monkeys could touch each other only by deliberately reaching between the parallel bars of the partition. After four shocks, one monkey reached through the partition apparently attempting to seize the second monkey. The second monkey attacked the extended arm until it was withdrawn. Previous study with rats (Ulrich and Azrin, 1962) showed that fighting was precipitated by pain-shock but did not last for more than I sec beyond the termination of the shock. Also, the rats rarely fought with sufficient vigor to inflict physical injury. In contrast, the squirrel monkeys typically continued fighting for a long period after the termination of the shock. Often they fought until forcibly separated. The monkeys typically inflicted serious physical injury unless precautions were taken. It appears that reflexive fighting can be elicited under a variety of circumstances. For example, electrode-shock and extreme heat have also been found to elicit fighting (Ulrich and Azrin, 1962). Hence, the reflex is a reaction to several types of painful events and is not restricted to foot-shock. Similarly, this pain-fighting reflex is not restricted to lower mammalian species.



How Effective Are School Bullying Intervention Programs? A Meta-Analysis of Intervention Research


School Psychology Quarterly 2008, Vol. 23, No. 1, 26-42


Copyright 2008 by the American Psychological Association 1045-3830/08/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/1045-3830.23.1.26


Kenneth W. Merrell, Barbara A. Gueldner, and Scott W. Ross University of Oregon Duane M. Isava Anne Arundel County Public Schools


Research on effectiveness of school bullying interventions has lagged behind descriptive studies on this topic. The literature on bullying intervention research has only recently expanded to a point that allows for synthesis of findings across studies. The authors conducted a meta-analytic study of school bullying intervention research across the 25-year period from 1980 through 2004, identifying 16 studies that met our inclusion criteria. These studies included 15,386 K through 12 student participants from European nations and the United States. Applying standard meta-analysis techniques to obtain averaged effect size estimates across similar outcomes, the authors found that the intervention studies produced meaningful and clinically important positive effects for about one-third of the variables. The majority of outcomes evidenced no meaningful change, positive or negative. The authors conclude that school bullying interventions may produce modest positive outcomes, that they are more likely to influence knowledge, attitudes, and self-perceptions rather than actual bullying behaviors; and that the majority of outcome variables in intervention studies are not meaningfully impacted.



Adverse Behavioral and Emotional Outcomes From Child Abuse and Witnessed Violence


Downloaded from at UNIV OF MISSOURI ST LOUIS on August 11, 2015


Renee M. Johnson Jonathan B. Kotch Diane J. Catellier University of North Carolina School of Public Health Jane R. Winsor Rho, Inc. Vincent Dufort Northeast Health Care Quality Foundation Wanda Hunter University of North Carolina Injury Prevention Research Center Lisa Amaya-Jackson Duke University Medical Center


This article examines mental health outcomes of children who have witnessed violence in their social environment and/or have been physically abused. Participants (n = 167) come from a longitudinal study on child maltreatment. Out[1]comes—including depression, anger, and anxiety—are measured by the Child Behavior Checklist and the Trauma Symptom Checklist for Children. The authors used adjusted multivariate analyses to test the statistical significance of as[1]sociations. The majority of children were female (57%) and non-White (64%). One third had been physically victimized; 46% had witnessed moderate-high levels of violence. Results confirm that children are negatively affected by victimization and violence they witness in their homes and neighborhoods. Victimization was a significant predictor of child aggression and depression; witnessed violence was found to be a significant predictor of aggression, depression, anger, and anxiety. Implications will be discussed.





Behav. Res. Thu. Vol. 30, No. 5, pp. 513-520, 1992 Printed in Great Britain. All rights reserved Copyright  1992 Pergamon Press Ltd


DANIEL W. MCNEIL and DAVID G. BRUNETTI 215 North Murray, Department of Psychology, Oklahoma State University, Stillwater, OK 74078-0250, U.S.A.


(Received 17 October I991)


Summary-Cognitive processing of pain and fear information was examined using a methodology based on the bioinformational theory of emotion. Undergraduate volunteers (n = 48) participated in an imagery assessment procedure involving audio presentation of pain, fear, or pain plus fear experimental scripts. Action and neutral scripts were presented as control stimuli. Heart rate and self-reported affective judgements were assessed. Results indicated that pain scripts were rated more negatively, and were associated with feelings of less dominance than the other experimental scripts. Fear scripts elicited greater heart rate acceleration than either pain or pain plus fear scripts. The direction of physiological and verbal response to pain scripts and fear scripts, however, was very similar, differing only in amplitude; greater heart rate response and more negative ratings were manifested relative to action or neutral scripts.



Parental Expectations, Physical Punishment, and Violence Among Adolescents Who Score Positive on a Psychosocial Screening Test in Primary Care


PEDIATRICS Volume 117, Number 2, February 2006


Sally-Ann Ohene, MD, MPHa, Marjorie Ireland, PhDa, Clea McNeely, DrPHb, Iris Wagman Borowsky, MD, PhDa a Division of General Pediatrics and Adolescent Health, Department of Pediatrics, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, Minnesota; bBloomberg School of Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Maryland


The authors have indicated they have no financial relationships relevant to this article to disclose.


ABSTRACT OBJECTIVE. We sought to examine the relationship between perceived and stated parental expectations regarding adolescents’ use of violence, parental use of physical punishment as discipline, and young adolescents’ violence-related attitudes and involvement. METHODS. Surveys were completed by 134 youth and their parents attending 8 pediatric practices. All youth were 10 to 15 years of age and had scored positive on a psychosocial screening test. RESULTS. Multivariate analyses revealed that perceived parental disapproval of the use of violence was associated with a more prosocial attitude toward interpersonal peer violence and a decreased likelihood of physical fighting by the youth. Parental report of whether they would advise their child to use violence in a conflict situation (stated parental expectations) was not associated with the adolescents’ attitudes toward interpersonal peer violence, intentions to fight, physical fighting, bullying, or violence victimization. Parental use of corporal punishment as a disciplining method was inversely associated with a prosocial attitude toward interpersonal peer violence among the youth and positively correlated with youths’ intentions to fight and fighting, bullying, and violence victimization. CONCLUSIONS. Perceived parental disapproval of the use of violence may be an important protective factor against youth involvement in violence, and parental use of physical punishment is associated with both violence perpetration and victimization among youth. Parents should be encouraged to clearly communicate to their children how to resolve conflicts without resorting to violence and to model these skills themselves by avoiding the use of physical punishment.



Mothers’ Spanking of 3-Year-Old Children and Subsequent Risk of Children’s Aggressive Behavior


PEDIATRICS Volume 125, Number 5, May 2010

Pediatrics 2010;125:e1057–e1065


Downloaded from at Nyu Medical Center on June 6, 2015


AUTHORS: Catherine A. Taylor, PhD, MSW, MPH,a Jennifer A. Manganello, PhD, MPH,b Shawna J. Lee, PhD, MSW, MPP,c and Janet C. Rice, PhDd Departments of aCommunity Health Sciences and dBiostatistics, School of Public Health and Tropical Medicine, Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana; bDepartment of Health Policy, Management, and Behavior, School of Public Health, University at Albany, State University of New York, Rensselaer, New York; and c Merrill-Palmer Skillman Institute for Child and Family Development, School of Social Work, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan


WHAT’S KNOWN ON THIS SUBJECT: Dozens of studies have shown a significant statistical link between the use of CP with children and child aggression, including many studies that controlled for the child’s initial level of aggression.


WHAT THIS STUDY ADDS: With controlling for the child’s initial level of aggression, demographic features, and 8 potential parenting risk confounders, which to our knowledge have not previously been controlled simultaneously, more-frequent use of CP increased the risk for higher levels of child aggression.



OBJECTIVE: The goal was to examine the association between the use of corporal punishment (CP) against 3-year-old children and subsequent aggressive behavior among those children. METHODS: Respondents (N  2461) participated in the Fragile Families and Child Well-being Study (1998 –2005), a population-based, birth cohort study of children born in 20 large US cities. Maternal reports of CP, children’s aggressive behaviors at 3 and 5 years of age, and a host of key demographic features and potential confounding factors, including maternal child physical maltreatment, psychological maltreatment, and neglect, intimate partner aggression victimization, stress, depression, substance use, and consideration of abortion, were assessed. RESULTS: Frequent use of CP (ie, mother’s use of spanking more than twice in the previous month) when the child was 3 years of age was associated with increased risk for higher levels of child aggression when the child was 5 years of age (adjusted odds ratio: 1.49 [95% confidence interval: 1.2–1.8]; P .0001), even with controlling for the child’s level of aggression at age 3 and the aforementioned potential confounding factors and key demographic features. CONCLUSIONS: Despite American Academy of Pediatrics recommendations to the contrary, most parents in the United States approve of and have used CP as a form of child discipline. The current findings suggest that even minor forms of CP, such as spanking, increase risk for increased child aggressive behavior. Importantly, these findings cannot be attributed to possible confounding effects of a host of other maternal parenting risk factors.





  1. E. ULRICH 1) 2), T. J. STACHNIK, G. R. BRIERTON 3) and J. H. MABRY (Dept. of Psychology, Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington, Ill., U.S.A.)


(Rec. 18-V-1965)


When animals are paired and presented with an aversive stimulus, fighting behavior typically results (ULRICH & AZRIN, 1962; AZRIN, HUTCHINSON & HAKE, r963; ULRICH, WORFF & AZRIN, 1964). For example, a pair of rats which have shown no prior aggression will, following shock, show a stereotyped fighting reaction which consists of striking movements by either one or both animals toward the other. The types of stimuli which elicit fighting are, as a class, identical to those whose postponement can maintain operant behavior (SIDMAN, 1953) in a non-social context. The identity of the independent variable for both fighting and avoidance raises questions as to the relation that might be obtained when both effects of an aversive stimulus are possible within the same context. The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of shock-induced aggression upon the acquisition and maintenance of avoidance behavior.



Violation of Expectancy and Frustration in Early Infancy


Developmental Psychology 1990, Vol. 26, No. 5, 738-744


Copyright 1990 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0012-1649/9O/$O0.75


Steven M. Alessandri, Margaret Wolan Sullivan, and Michael Lewis Department of Pediatrics, Robert Wood Johnson Medical School University of Medicine and Dentistry of New Jersey


Instrumental responses to both learning and extinction were examined in a group of infants aged 2-8 months. Eighty infants, divided equally among 4 age groups (2, 4, 6, and 8 months), participated in a contingency learning task. Forty-eight Ss received an audiovisual stimulus contingent on arm movement, and 32 Ss served as a yoked control group. Findings indicated that (a) infants in the contingent group showed a significant increase in their rate of arm pulling as a function of contingent stimulation; (b) with the cessation of stimuli during extinction, contingent subjects at all ages showed a significant increase in response rate from the learning phase; and (c) the ability to learn an instrumental response and reactivity to the violation of a learned expectancy were not related to temperament differences. The results indicate that exposure to extinction, a period in which the infant’s expectancy regarding contingent outcomes is violated, produces increased responsivity.



Intergenerational Transmission of Partner Violence: A 20-Year Prospective Study


Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology 2003, Vol. 71, No. 4, 741–753

Copyright 2003 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 0022-006X/03/$12.00 DOI: 10.1037/0022-006X.71.4.741


Miriam K. Ehrensaft and Patricia Cohen Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons and New York State Psychiatric Institute Jocelyn Brown Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons Elizabeth Smailes, Henian Chen, and Jeffrey G. Johnson Columbia University College of Physicians and Surgeons and New York State Psychiatric Institute


An unselected sample of 543 children was followed over 20 years to test the independent effects of parenting, exposure to domestic violence between parents (ETDV), maltreatment, adolescent disruptive behavior disorders, and emerging adult substance abuse disorders (SUDs) on the risk of violence to and from an adult partner. Conduct disorder (CD) was the strongest risk for perpetrating partner violence for both sexes, followed by ETDV, and power assertive punishment. The effect of child abuse was attributable to these 3 risks. ETDV conferred the greatest risk of receiving partner violence; CD increased the odds of receiving partner violence but did not mediate this effect. Child physical abuse and CD in adolescence were strong independent risks for injury to a partner. SUD mediated the effect of adolescent CD on injury to a partner but not on injury by a partner. Prevention implications are highlighted.



Field research


For the field research there is a distribution of questionnaires to teachers, parents and students, analyzing the findings and making recommendations, analyzing the gap in skills and mapping the needs of stakeholders. Finally the research results will be edited in order to map existing situation, gaps in skills and needs of teachers, parents and students.


Photos from the field research in Portugal (4change)


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